Bihar: “Call it a 'special invasive reconstruction'”

There is never a dull election in Bihar. But the one coming up later this year has ensured its place in history even before it gets under way.

If all the buzz in Maharashtra was about the suspicious net addition of nearly 40 lakh voters in the state between the Lok Sabha elections (in May 2024) and the state assembly elections (in November the same year), the conversation ahead of Bihar 2025 is pivoting on the feared mass disenfranchisement of voters in the state, thanks to the Election Commission of India’s ‘special intensive revision’ (SIR) of electoral rolls.

The SIR exercise — which has become a de facto test of citizenship — has not just alarmed voters and most parties in the fray but also hijacked conversation about governance issues and campaign promises that tend to dominate the media cycle ahead of elections. Paranjoy Guha Thakurta caught up with Dipankar Bhattacharya, general secretary of INDIA bloc partner CPI(ML) Liberation to get his views on what lies ahead in Bihar. Excerpts:

Let’s begin with the Left. In West Bengal, after 34 years in power, it now has no MLAs. In Tripura too, it has lost ground. What does the future look like — and why is there optimism about your party in Bihar?

People often judge the Left solely on election results, but that’s a narrow view. In Bihar, our electoral performance wasn’t always remarkable, but for over 25 years, we’ve been working tirelessly on the ground — organising movements that often go unnoticed.

The crisis in West Bengal, where the Left has no MLAs, stems from mistakes like the mishandling of Singur and Nandigram. If the CPI(M) hadn’t been so rigid, the situation might have been different.

These are local issues; not a sign that the Left has become irrelevant across India. When you hear Narendra Modi or others label critics as ‘urban Naxals’, ‘Maoists’ or ‘extremists’, they’re essentially targeting the Left. At its core, the Left speaks truth to power, stands with the people and fights against division and hatred.

In today’s climate, I’d say the Left is more relevant than ever. If we can lead the fight for democracy, we have a promising future.

Bihar SIR: 789 pages, 1 B.I.G. lie, 0 foreigners

Your party is part of the INDIA bloc, featuring the Congress, RJD and other Left parties. In the past, you’ve even allied with Nitish Kumar’s JD(U), who quit the so-called mahagathbandhan (grand alliance) for the second time in January 2024. How do you view Nitish’s shifts, and what’s your strategy within the INDIA bloc?

Nitish Kumar has a well-known history of switching sides. For us, the focus is on strengthening the [INDI] alliance to challenge the BJP’s divisive narrative and policies. Our coalition with the RJD, Congress and others aims to unite people around issues like justice and equality, countering the BJP’s agenda.

Nitish had earned the moniker ‘Sushasan Babu’ for policies like prohibition, which gained support, especially among women…

Nitish Kumar’s policies are inconsistent. Before prohibition, he set up liquor outlets in every village and panchayat. The argument then was revenue, which he claimed would fund welfare programmes like bicycles for girls. When that backfired, he pivoted to championing prohibition.

Caste is a big factor in Bihar, perhaps more than in other states. Your party represents Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs), Mahadalits and other marginalised groups.

How will caste dynamics shape the upcoming elections, especially with non-Yadav OBCs?

Caste influences politics across India, but it’s generally seen as a bigger feature in Bihar. Many assume caste is static, but it evolves. For example, in 1999, our comrade Rameshwar Prasad, from the Nonia caste (an EBC), won in Arrah, a stronghold of dominant castes. This showed EBCs can break through.

Caste equations shift over time, and our party focuses on uniting people across castes to fight for broader issues like social justice and equality, rather than reinforcing caste divisions.

Some criticise the CPI(ML) for not doing enough for Muslims. What role do Muslims play in your strategy, and do you support AIMIM’s inclusion in the INDIA bloc?

We want Muslims to be active leaders and equal partners in our movement — as they were during India’s freedom struggle. Muslims saw the danger to their voting rights early, now others are waking up to it. We aim to increase Muslim participation in our party, not just as voters but as equal stakeholders.

Regarding AIMIM, their inclusion in the INDIA bloc depends on broader coalition discussions, but our focus is on inclusive participation of all communities. We want Muslims to be active leaders and equal partners in our movement — as they were during India’s freedom struggle.

Muslims saw the danger to their voting rights early, now others are waking up to it. We aim to increase Muslim participation in our party, not just as voters but as equal stakeholders. Regarding AIMIM, their inclusion in the INDIA bloc depends on broader coalition discussions, but our focus is on inclusive participation of all communities.

In 2020, the CPI(ML) fielded 19 candidates and won 12 seats. This time, you’re asking for 40 candidates. Isn’t that ambitious? Will the RJD and Congress agree?

In 2020, we contested 19, won 12. Bihar has 38 districts, and we have a strong base in 25-odd, with long-standing movements and organisation.

Our strategy is to field candidates where it strengthens the [INDI] alliance. In 2020 and 2024, areas where we contested saw strong performances for the RJD and Congress as well. By contesting in 24 districts — covering north, south, Kosi and Mithila regions — we aim to boost the alliance’s overall success. We initially considered 50 seats but settled on 40 after discussions to balance our goals with coalition dynamics.

In Maharashtra, voter lists were allegedly manipulated, with more voters added in five months than in four years. There’s concern that the BJP excels at micro-level election management. Will Bihar face similar issues with the SIR?

Bihar will resist. We’ve challenged feudal control over elections since the 1980s. Earlier, people were prevented from voting even though their names featured on voter lists. Now, the manipulation targets voter lists directly.

In Maharashtra, people reacted only after the damage was done. People here have been protesting in villages and cities since 25 June [when the SIR got under way].

A movement is planned in August against ‘election theft’, calling out those who rig voter rolls. Bihar won’t be silenced — it will fight back against this ‘invasive reconstruction’ of the voter list, this elaborate conspiracy to dispossess the poor of ‘universal adult franchise’, their only means of fighting the corporate loot of this land.

This is an edited transcript of the video interview available on YouTube at Paranjoy Online